Report: Jeb Bush’s CIA briefing in 1977 led to covert action, wealth, politics


As Jeb Bush announced his presidential bid June 15, an investigative reporter revealed that the CIA provided the future candidate with a high-level briefing in 1977 that helped launch his career.

Wayne Madsen Report logoReporter, author and former Navy intelligence officer Wayne Madsen published a CIA document disclosing Bush’s briefing by the agency as Bush prepared in 1977 to become the Venezuela branch manager and a vice president for the influential Texas Commerce Bank.

Madsen headlined his June 12 column, Jeb Bush received comprehensive CIA briefing when he worked for bank in Caracas. 

Published on the subscription site the Wayne Madsen Report (WMR), Madsen wrote:  

A June 7, 1977 letter on Texas Commerce Bank stationery from "Jeb Bush" of the bank's International Banking Division, using post office box 2558 in Houston, to Robert W. Gambino, director of security for the CIA, thanks Gambino, who was in charge of issuing clearances for CIA official cover and NOC agents alike, for "arranging such a comprehensive and informative briefing" for Bush during his recent trip to Washington.

The Justice Integrity Project has independently confirmed that the document is authentic.

Madsen used the briefing and his sources to portray the banking job as a gateway to power for the younger Bush in the family Jeb Bush at CPAC 2015 by Gage Skidmoretradition. Bush is shown in a photo by Gage Skidmore at this year's CPAC convention organized by the American Conservative Union.

Madsen noted also that Gambino resigned from the agency to support the George Bush for President campaign in 1980, and subsequently received political patronage jobs from the Reagan and Bush administrations that extended into the Clinton administration.

Gambino's career progress helps underscore the wild card advantage the Bush family holds over virtually all competitors, Republican and Democratic: Their embedded loyalists, often with a national security background, constitute a core of the nation's hidden government. Hillary Clinton also has loyalists from her husband's administration and her tenure as secretary of state embedded into Washington's military and security complex. But even that cannot compare with the Bush advantage, which draws from a century of relevant relationships encompassing finance, arms dealing, media and politics -- and fostered especially in the past 60 years via the fabulous synergies for the Bushes enabled by oil exploration, banking, intelligence work, foreign relationships, and political power.

The Texas Commerce Bank, co-founded by an ancestor of Bush family ally James Baker, has a long history of sensitive operations, including help in funding the 1950s CIA-front business operations of Jeb Bush’s father, George H.W. Bush.

The elder Bush became a covert CIA operative in the early 1950s while also a businessman co-founding Zapata Petroleum in 1953. Its affiliate Zapata Offshore was formed in 1954 with the help of funding from Texas National Bank, a major predecessor of the Texas Commerce Bank, according to the bank history But Also Good Business, co-authored in 1986 by professors Walter L. Buegner and Joseph A. Pratt.

The Bush family, Baker, their allies virtually never talk about such matters even though research indicates that all recent U.S. presidents have established secret relationships with the CIA or FBI before they entered politics. This enables politicians on the way up to establish strong bonds with the agencies and the powerful backers of the agencies on Wall Street and in such key sectors as energy, agri-business, mining, munitions, and media. Details are provided in Madsen's book The Manufacturing of a President (2010) and our own Presidential Puppetry  (2013), among other accounts.

Regarding the media, Operation Mockingbird was the CIA's secret program to coordinate agency-friendly messaging among the nation's top broadcast networks, magazines and newspapers. Author Deborah Davis first revealed the program in her 1979 book Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and Her Washington Post Empire, whose 20,000-copy first edition publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich pulverized under pressure from the Post and CIA. Davis was able find another publisher for the book in 1987 after winning a lawsuit settlement.

To understand Operation Mockingbird and its successors, it's vital to appreciate that the program was a cooperative effort sustained by media owners, many of whom had advanced in precisely the same CIA, Office of Strategic Services (OSS, the CIA's World War II predecessor organization), Harvard-Yale-Princeton, and Wall Street circles of inherited wealth as the OSS and CIA first leaders, most notably OSS leader William "Wild Bill" Donovan and longtime CIA Director Allen Dulles.

One of the most prominent press lords was, for example, Washington Post Publisher Philip Graham, the Harvard Law-educated husband of Katharine Meyer Graham and an enthusiastic supporter of Operation Mockingbird. Graham and his wife dined weekly with the operation's onetime leader Frank Wisner, who succeeded Dulles in running the propaganda program after Dulles won the CIA's top job.

We provide here further perspective on the tight ties between intelligence, banking, media and politics that are never described in mainstream news coverage of political campaigns:

Eugene Meyer, Philip Graham's father-in-law and the founder of the modern Post, had been a chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank and separately the World Bank. Meyer had been a friend of the Bush family since their overlapping work together during World War I in managing U.S. armaments purchases (Bush's core area) and financing (Meyer's).

Upon the graduation of George H.W. Bush from Yale College, Meyer offered him a job.

George Bush chose instead to seek his fortune in Ohio and then Texas, and soon landed the CIA and banking connections that enabled Zapata's founding. Zapata became the CIA code word for the Bay of Pigs invasion, a not so subtle coincidence given Zapata's expertise in ocean mapping.

George H.W. BushGeorge H.W. Bush, shown in a file photo at CIA headquarters, served only 357 days  as the agency director under President Ford until January 1977. But his varied services, far more lengthy and important than standard news and academic accounts report, caused headquarters to be named in his honor in 1999 as the George H.W. Bush Center for Intelligence. Agency loyalists credit him with helping turn the tide against reformers who sought to cut back the agency's powers after scandalous revelations in the Post-Watergate era.

Ties That Bind

Thus, a Jeb Bush candidacy has many hidden strengths not readily reportable in standard news accounts. Jeb Bush's letter to Robert Gambino may be simply a clue to a larger pattern but it comes in an environment where many of the players achieve success without producing any documents whatsoever, only a subjective assertion of memory.

Former CIA Deputy Director Michael Morell, for example, published last month a memoir, The Great War of Our Time, drawing on his 33 years of CIA work. His tenure included serving as daily briefer for President George W. Bush and twice serving as acting director. 

Morell is now senior analyst for CBS News and intelligence consultant for private clients. He is shown at center during a May 11 news briefing at the National Press Club with moderator Keith Hill of the Bureau of National Affairs. Reporter Sam Husseini is taking notes at left.

Morell, as we have previously reported, said he did not know the reasons for the CIA's actions regarding all three of our questions, two of which involved fights against disclosure of documents regarding the Kennedy assassination and funding of 9/11 terrorists. He did volunteer, interestingly, that the CIA has a 70 percent success rate in funding new ventures through its investment arm, In-Q-Tel.

Michael Morell, Keith Hill and Sam Husseini, May 11, 2015 JIP photoMorell's memoir has no endnotes or appendix whatsoever describing his sources. In that, his is similar to many similar works. But the same standard should apply to independent analysts, who can hardly be expected to produce documentation of every matter when establishment authors fail to do so either.

It's particularly striking how the relationship between the Washington Post and the Bushes extends back for nearly a century.

True, founder Jeffrey Bezos bought the Post from the Graham family two years ago for $250 million.

But Bezos has retained most of the top editors and columnists. Additionally, obtained a $700 million contract from the CIA that, in a sense, arguably exceeds even the agency's ties of yore with the Graham family.

The importance of such relationships is seldom obvious to readers, or even to the vast majority of Post journalism employees. Understandably, many would argue that they have no knowledge of such relationships and incentives and simply perform their jobs to the best of their ability. That is an argument can has parallels throughout the media as many of its practitioners, made confident by years of access to the powerful and spheres of conventional wisdom, can point to many specifics to justify what are regarded as adherence to high professional standards.

For one thing, any defenders of the Post or other mainstream organizations regarding the Bush history can undoubtedly point to vast numbers of editorials and news articles opposing various policies of the dynasty through the years, or even their election. Yet such visible indications of open debate are only part of the story. 

Remember Robert Gambino? He was the CIA director of security who gave Jeb Bush the "comprehensive" briefing in 1977 and went on to become a Bush campaigner and political appointee until his retirement in 1994 as Director of the U.S. Selective Service.

More generally, creation of political advocacy groups comprised of former intelligence agents and then special forces veterans is a political event even more momentous. It arose during the mid-1970s era when George H.W. Bush was CIA director and its continuing importance has been virtually unreported by the mainstream.

David Atlee PhillipsThe late David Atlee Philips, shown in an autographed photo, was a key figure in the CIA's Latin American propaganda, regime change and assassination programs for many years.

He founded the Association of Former Intelligence Officers (AFIO) in the mid-1970s just as a post-Watergate nation was investigating agency abuses via the Rockefeller Commission and Church Committee, which reported massive global initiatives regarding assassinations, regime change, and propaganda.

AFIOS, many of whose members were like Philips expert in covert methods, helped provide both visible and invisible resistance to civic reform efforts aimed at the CIA's vast and uncontrolled programs that had prompted its presidential creator, Harry Truman, to call for its curtailment in a column published a month after Kennedy's assassination.

Yet the CIA effectively thwarted investigation and reform via pressure on Congress, including obstruction of the House Select Committee on Assassinations to mount credible investigations of President Kennedy's murder. That campaign has now been well documented, as reported by our Readers Guide series on the JFK killing.

One example occurred at a conference last fall by the Assassination Archives and Records Center (AARC).

One of the highlights virtually unreported by the mainstream media, except for the Boston Globe, was the confession by former anti-Castro assassination squad leader Antonio Veciana that:

1) there would not have been an anti-Castro resistance if not for CIA support, led by Philips; and 2) that he saw accused JFK assassin Lee Harvey Oswald meet with Philips in Dallas six weeks before Kennedy was murdered Nov. 22, 1963.

AARC has recently posted videos of conference speakers, including Veciana, other witnesses and scholars. Included is this editor's remarks on why the declassified documentation and witness testimony regarding the Kennedy murder provides a unique window into still-hidden dimensions of current politics.

As a technical matter, AFIOS and similar new veterans groups are non-partisan politically. But in practice their leaders have proven to be reliable supporters of Republican themes and Bush candidacies in particular.

Marine Maj. Gen. Smedley ButlerThus, the group Swift Boat Veterans for Truth provided vital cover for President George W. Bush's re-election campaign in 2004 by attacking Democratic rival John Kerry's Vietnam War record, thereby also diverting attention from Bush's service record. In mid-2012, a newly formed organization of special forces veterans using some of the same Republican-funded web tools as the Swift Boat Veterans, surfaced to attack Obama's foreign policy record.

Broad-based veterans groups such as the American Legion have long helped conservative candidates. A Legion leader even helped an unsuccessful attempt in 1933 by Wall Street financiers to overthrow President Roosevelt, according to congressional testimony. The whistleblowing Marine Major Gen. Smedley Butler, in his day the most decorated Marine in U.S. history, testified that he was offered a fortunate to lead a Wall Street-financed coup against Roosevelt. He is shown in a file photo.

But the advent of specialized groups trained in advanced propaganda measures is relatively new and, of course, almost unreported.

 Summing Up

For obvious reasons, reporters and authors with access to the Bushes and other major politicians of their status tend to focus through the years on traditional political themes that avoid sensitive matters, especially regarding the kinds of hidden relationships with intelligence and banking companies that are important to media owners.

Jeb Bush logoAcceptable fare for publication thus includes candidate statements, the competitive “horse race” between candidates, donors, candidate personalities, and such non-controversial topics as the Bush announcement June 14 of a campaign logo, exemplified by the Washington Post story June 14 On the eve of a presidential run, Jeb Bush becomes just ‘Jeb!

Madsen, however, cited sources and his long experience in similar investigations to assert that Jeb Bush’s banking work involved him in covert and at times sinister CIA operations in Venezuela to advance CIA priorities and his own career.

WMR normally publishes its work behind a paywall requiring subscriptions, which cost $7 per month or $30 per year. Madsen made Jeb Bush column and its documentation available for free because of its timeliness and importance.


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Jeb Bush 1976Editor's Recommendations

Wayne Madsen Report (WMR), Jeb Bush received comprehensive CIA briefing when he worked for bank in Caracas, Wayne Madsen Report, June 12, 2015. WMR has obtained a copy of a letter sent to the Central Intelligence Agency by Jeb Bush when he served as the top official of Texas Commerce Bank in Caracas, Venezuela. Editor's note: The Justice Integrity Project can confirm as authentic the relevant document, written when Bush was a bank vice president.


Wayne Madsen Report (WMR), CIA was actively recruiting at UT when Jeb Bush was a student, June 16, 2015. (Subscription required, $7 per month or $30 per year). Bush is shown in a 1976 photo via WMR and a University of Texas alumni magazine.

Washington Post, How Jeb Bush’s firm made him rich — and created a nest egg for his family, Matea Gold, Rosalind S. Helderman and Robert O'Harrow Jr., July 2, 2015. Republican presidential candidate Jeb Bush’s former firm, Jeb Bush & Associates, earned $33 million in proceeds from 2007 to 2013.  Shortly after Jeb Bush left the Florida governor’s office in 2007, he established his own firm, Jeb Bush & Associates, designed to maximize his earning potential as one of the country’s more prominent politicians. Tax returns disclosed this week by the Republican’s presidential campaign revealed that the business not only made him rich but also provided a steady income for his wife and one of his sons. The family salaries were among the new information to emerge from this week’s disclosures, which provided the most detailed picture yet of the structure and finances of the firm that formed the core of Bush’s private-sector work during the past eight years. The returns show that the company set up a generous and well-funded pension plan now rare in corporate America, allowing Bush to take large tax deductions while he and his wife built up their retirement portfolio. They also illustrate how Bush — who has touted his business experience on the campaign trail — relied on his public persona and political connections to rapidly increase his net worth.

Washington Post, Bush tax forms show income of $29 million since 2007, Ed O'Keefe, Matea Gold and David A. Fahrenthold, June 30, 2015. Jeb Bush has made more than $29 million since he left the Florida governor’s Jeb Bush office in 2007 — vastly increasing his wealth through a combination of speaking fees, corporate board memberships, investments and a consulting contract with a global bank that paid $2 million a year. That income was detailed in 33 years of tax returns that Bush, now a 2016 Republican presidential candidate, published online Tuesday evening. The campaign also said Bush is worth between $19 million and $22 million — at least 14 times as much as when he left office in Florida. The tax returns, which Bush’s campaign said were the most ever released by a candidate, were intended to show how transparent the candidate is willing to be — and in the process to set up a contrast with Democrat Hillary Rodham Clinton. Still, the information Bush released, though vast, was incomplete.

Wayne Madsen Report comment: Jeb Bush reveals 33 years' worth of tax returns. However, Bush does not release returns from 1977, '78, and '79 when he was Texas Commerce Bank's (CIA's) top dog in Caracas. Show us the rest, Jebbie!


Who Is Wayne Madsen?

Wayne Madsen, shown below during a recent lecture, served 14 years in the U.S. Navy, including a year detailed to the National Security Agency (NSA), before becoming a vice president at the defense contractor Computer Services Corp., a think tank Wayne Madsen May 29, 2015advocate at EPIC for privacy rights, and a freelance investigative reporter, author and political commentator.

He is the author of a dozen books and celebrated the tenth anniversary of the Wayne Madsen Report June 4 with an all-day conference on investigative topics at the National Press Club.

As disclosure, this editor spoke on the "conspiracy theories" panel in order to cite evidence the CIA popularized the term in order to smear critics of alleged government misconduct, as described in our column last year, Don't Be Fooled By 'Conspiracy Theory' Smears.

Madsen has appeared as a guest expert on virtually all major U.S. broadcast and cable shows, as well as many in the alternative and overseas media.

He has published opeds on conventional political and other public affairs topics that have appeared by his estimate more than two hundred times in mainstream U.S. newspapers during the past three years.

Yet many of his other columns, broadcast commentaries and books are highly controversial and have fostered reprisals, denunciations, and threats of even more serious reprisal, including death.

Additionally, he is rarely invited any longer as a commentator to mainstream U.S. broadcast news shows, with his final appearances on Fox News, for example, ending with a joke at host Bill O'Reilly's expense. O'Reilly had invited Madsen onto a pre-Christmas show in order to explore the theme of a "War Against Christmas" whereby progressive commentators like Madsen were supposedly too politically correct to cite the holiday. O'Reilly offered him "the last word" on the segment. Madsen responded, "Merry Christmas, Bill!"

Wayne Madsen Navy PhotoHe is shown in a photo as a Naval officer following his graduation from the University of Mississippi. As a Navy intelligence officer, he participated in some unusually controversial investigations that have parallels in recent work. In one case, the FBI designated him as an FBI special investigator in order to gather evidence leading to imprisonment of his commanding officer for pedophilia. In another, he was part of the team that investigated Israeli spy Jonathan Pollard, whose continued imprisonment creates ongoing friction between Israeli authorities who want him released and U.S. counterparts who argue that his crimes misusing his trusted status in U.S. government were so serious as to deserve continued imprisonment.

As a result, Madsen grew to hold several controversial views. One is that high level authorities could be involved in serious sex offenses, as he has documented in trips to Southeast Asia in recent years to expose pedophilia junkets by visiting U.S. dignitaries. His argument through the years is that the government-assisted sex junkets are not simply despicable in principle and damaging to America's image overseas, but also hurt Americans more directly by enabling political blackmail to affect the policy decision-making of those perverts who participate.

The trips are typically financed out of his modest income from his subscription website and books. To curtail expenses, he sometimes accepts airplane tickets on government-paid junkets and sleeps on friends couches. The latter is a relatively minor journalistic hardship compared with his month in Africa in 1998 to report on the genocide in Rwanda, where he spent a week reporting. The result was his 735-page book in 1999, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa 1993-1999

Based on his experiences investigating national security issues specifically, Madsen maintains the relatively rare view of opposing release of Pollard and supporting NSA and CIA whistleblower Edward Snowden. Snowden's disclosure of documents beginning two years ago via selected reporters has helped confirm arguments Madsen had been making for years (based on unclassified documents and other sources) that the U.S. national surveillance state poses a great threat to American democracy.

Madsen's opponents created a Wikipedia online biography that portrays him as an unreliable fringe thinker.

Several Wikipedia editors who use pseudonyms have created hundreds of changes to his bio according to the online timeline of edits. The timeline suggests that these few anonymous individuals created a highly unflattering Wikipedia bio and then relentlessly stifled attempts by other volunteer Wikipedia editors to provide corrections or additional information that might be construed as positive. In general, Wikipedia insiders confess that such orchestrated campaigns pose a serious threat to the credibility of the online encyclopedia. 

Much of the negative commentary about Madsen derives from a campaign launched two years ago to smear him. The specific trigger was supposedly because London-based Observer, a sister paper to the Guardian, removed under pressure a quotation of Madsen's that the newspaper's foreign editor had sought from Madsen regarding declassified NSA documents Madsen had reported.

AvlonSo, based on the editing change in a London newspaper that virtually no American would otherwise learn about, CNN's guest host from the Daily Beast, John Avlon, then recruited two other reporters from then-jointly owned Daily Beast/Newsweek to denounce Madsen on CNN's "Reliable Sources" weekly show. Underscoring the hit-job format in the guise of journalism, CNN failed to invite Madsen or any independent observer to respond to the Daily Beast/Newsweek campaign against him and failed to report that the Daily Beast/Newsweek chronicle of events was demonstrably wrong.

Avlon, 41, is former chief speechwriter for Republican New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, and is now Daily Beast editor-in-chief. He is shown in photo via Wikipedia. Neither he, nor his colleagues, nor CNN responded to our requests for comment, thereby illustrating how the mass media works even regarding a CNN show ostensibly devoted to high journalism standards.

The smear campaign against Madsen apparently stemmed in part from Twitter feeds from Navy War College professor John Schindler, a frequent broadcast news commentator who argued that those like Madsen who expose National Security Agency secrets render a disservice to the nation. The War College last year dismissed Schindler after he sent a photo of his exposed sexual organ unsolicited to a fellow conservative. She objected publicly before she recanted her objection upon seeing the trouble that her protest had caused for Schindler.

The Justice Integrity Project has reported on these controversies in several columns, including Investigative Reporter Implicates Wikipedia In Smear Campaign.

Madsen himself responded last May with a column, The Outlaw, Jimmy Wales, which denounced Wikipedia founder Jimmy Wales as an arrogant former pornographer whose success stemmed from CIA-funding and cut-throat tactics. [Note: The CIA's investment affiliate In-Q-Tel does not include Wikipedia on its public listing of investments.]

Madsen argued in his column that most volunteer editors and others in the general public are not in position to discern the propaganda importance of tools like Wikipedia because most of its entries are non-controversial. More specifically, Madsen's column began:

Wikipedia and its founder are frauds perpetrated upon us by dirty political operators and spy agencies.

Henry Vinson Confessions of DC MadamWMR has been covering Alabama politics for so long that little escapes our attention when it comes to Alabama politicians and their well-connected friends in other states.

It has recently been brought to our attention by one of our trusted Alabama sources that the so-called "founder" of Wikipedia, Jimmy Wales, an Alabama native, has close ties to the king of political sleaze, Karl Rove, George W. Bush's "brain," who is also known as "turd blossom." We put "founder" of Wikipedia in quotes because Wales, who is reluctant to change the bogus and defamatory listings for others having erroneous Wikipedia entries, decided to eliminate the name of Wikipedia's co-founder, Larry Sanger, from any mention in Wales's own Wikipedia entry.

Regarding the tenth anniversary of WMR conference at the National Press Club:

By coincidence, one of the column's many controversial projects has been vindicated in effect by federal indictment May 28 of former House Speaker Dennis Hastert (shown below) on charges of illegal bank withdrawals and false statements to hide $3.5 million in promised blackmail payments. In 2006, Madsen published a series of columns alleging that the GOP Speaker, the longest-serving in House history, had been a pedophile as a high school teacher and wrestling coach and, more recently, had been an active participant in gay scene in the nation’s capital.

Dennis Hastert C-SPANMadsen’s columns in 2006 went beyond the allegations of personal conduct by Hastert to allege that the speaker and many named colleagues in high elective positions were hurting the public because their decadence, greed and hypocrisy destroyed the normal bond between voters and elected leaders.

No other reporters followed up the columns until the federal indictment in May. That prompted other reporters to pursue some of the same inquiries, but only regarding Hastert and not regarding the system-wide hypocrisy enabling blackmail on public policy issues of gay, adulterous or pedophile officials and journalists.

That broader story was published by the Washington Times in a 1989 investigative series exposing a "call boy ring" orchestrated by GOP lobbyist Craig Spence that supplied prominent Washingtonians (including officials and journalists) with gay and sometimes underage prostitutes in sessions videotaped for blackmail.

An overlapping tale was reported by the 700-page 2009 book The Franklin Scandal by Nick Bryant. It documented the trafficking of underage teens, including from Nebaska's famous Boys Town, to powerful figures in Omaha, Los Angeles and Washington, DC. Covering similar ground was the 2015 book Confessions of a DC Madam by Henry Vinson with the assistance of Bryant. Vinson described his role as a madam supplying the late Spence with male escorts at a rate sometimes averaging a $20,000 cost per month -- and becoming enormously frightened at the power that Spence and his government associates exhibited in their schemes combining sex, videotaping, lobbying and blackmail, sometimes involving famous and/or feared names.

A number of well-known names are described as customers with perverse and abusive requirements, including the late media mogul and CIA Director William Casey and others still living. But others are still too powerful and sinister even for such intrepid authors to mention.

Madsen is one of the few reporters in the country to dare even mention what's published, much less what's not. That helps make each day an adventure for him.   


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Advance Indiana, One Reporter Is Talking About Jeb's CIA Past, Gary R. Welsh, June 17, 2015. There's very few true investigative reporters left in the United States who aren't on the payroll of the military/industrial complex and Wayne Madsen is one of those guys. Madsen told you nearly a decade ago about then-House Speaker Dennis Hastert's horrific past as a pedophile while working as high school teacher and wrestling coach, while other reporters scoffed at his reporting. He's the only reporter who bothered to research Barack Obama and his reputed family members to uncover their extensive ties to the CIA, which would foretell a foreign policy he would pursue indistinguishable from his predecessor, George W. Bush. And he's one of the few investigative journalists who has doggedly reported former President George H.W. Bush's ties to the intelligence agency long before he was named its director, including his ties to the Bay of Pigs fiasco and ensuing assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

Washington Post, After initial loss, ‘wandering’ years led to a new Bush, Karen Tumulty, June 14, 2015. Humbled by defeat the first time he ran for office in Florida, Jeb Bush evolved from a “head-banging conservative” view to an approach that includes human faces and personal stories. “I learned tone,” the presidential hopeful said. Humbled by defeat the first time he ran for office, Bush spent the mid-1990s broadening and deepening his knowledge of how his state worked, forging relationships that softened his profile and striving to talk about what he believed in a way that would bring people together. “I learned tone,” Bush said in an interview. “You can say the same thing that represents your core beliefs in a way that draws people toward your message, rather than pushes people away. “And that’s a lesson in 2016,” he added. “To win, you’ve got to get to 50. To get to 50, you draw people toward your message, not use language that makes the dramatic point, which is effective in political discourse but turns some people away.”

Washington Post, On the eve of a presidential run, Jeb Bush becomes just ‘Jeb!,’ Robert Costa, June 14, 2015. Now “Jeb!” is back. June 14, 2015. Bush revealed Sunday on Twitter that he’s reviving his “Seinfeld”-era old-school insignia to be the symbol of his bid for the Republican presidential nomination, which he will announce Monday in Miami. This time, the colors have been flipped: ruby characters over white, underlined by “2016” in navy blue. The choice was perhaps a natural one for Bush, 62, recalling his early tenure in Tallahassee, long before the rise of the tea party, when he was the definition of a national conservative star and his family was as popular as ever with GOP voters. Longtime Bush ally Mike Murphy, who has worked with him since 1998 and currently is managing the Bush-allied super PAC Right to Rise, wrote Sunday on Twitter that dusting off the calling card provided Bush with a “clean, easy to see from far away, upbeat, and most of all, consistent” emblem.

Justice Integrity Project, Investigative Reporter Implicates Wikipedia In Smear Campaign, Andrew Kreig, Feb. 28, 2014. Investigative reporter, author and former Navy intelligence officer Wayne Madsen has reported a major new development in the long-running smear campaign that Wikipedia has undertaken against him. Wikipedia this week rejected a corrected biographical entry for Madsen submitted by a longtime Wikipedia volunteer editor and professional journalist. Instead, Wikipedia reinstalled the smear-biography designed primarily by anonymous editors using a false birthday and, more important, designed to portray Madsen falsely as exceptionally untrustworthy and unworthy of consideration. See also, For Security, Beware of Wikipedia, Daily Beast, CNN, Poynter -- and Many More, Andrew Kreig, July 22, 2013. (Part three of a three-part series.)